Courts Find Stay-at-Home Orders Unconstitutional

As the COVID-19 pandemic continues and state and local governments take different approaches in responding it, an increasing number of cases have been filed against alleged government overreach.  At first they were largely First Amendment cases, as we have previously covered (5/5, 4/22, 4/16, 4/13, 4/9, and 3/27), but now litigation is pending on nearly every government action in response to the pandemic, including challenges to governors' entire executive orders.  

Last week, the Wisconsin Supreme Court struck down Governor Tony Evers' "safer-at-home" order.  RNLA member Jake Curtis analyzed the decision, which was made on state separation of powers grounds:

No. 1. The case was really about separation of powers. In a state that has experienced a partisan divide like almost none other over the last decade, the impact of divided government following Governor Scott Walker’s 2018 loss continues to reverberate. Many would argue that the court’s renewed focus on clearly establishing constitutional lines of responsibility between the executive and the legislative branches is a much-needed development. . . .

No. 2. Was Executive Order 28, the stay-at-home order, a rule or an order? The court found emphatically that the “order” was in fact a rule and therefore it should have gone through the rulemaking process, or at least the emergency rulemaking process. Emergency rulemaking expedites the normal notice and comment requirements under the state version of the Administrative Procedure Act. Lest one think the definition of “rule” is too onerous, there are 72 different exemptions under Wisconsin law for various actions that do not require rule making. . . .

No. 4. The court made clear that, while the legislature may delegate authority to agencies, it may do so only if there are “adequate standards for conducting the allocated power.” Again, this decision continues a clear trend, both in Wisconsin and elsewhere throughout the country, of courts’ reasserting the prerogatives of both the judiciary to review the legality and constitutionality of administrative actions and the legislature to employ robust tools for reining in administrative agencies that have flexed too much policy-making muscle. . . .

No. 5. It should come as no surprise that the images of law enforcement issuing warnings, and in some cases citations, to business owners trying to survive and to mothers allowing children to play with friends shocked many Wisconsinites. And the court seemed to agree by specifically finding that the issuance of criminal penalties can attach only to rules, and that therefore [Department of Health Services (“DHS”)] was in error for attaching criminal penalties to an order that bypassed the administrative rulemaking process. . . .

Mr. Curtis concluded by observing that one silver lining of this situation is reminding citizens about how much power the government can exercise over their daily lives and how important it is for them to be an "engaged and constantly skeptical citizenry."

Yesterday, an Oregon state court judge found Governor Kate Brown's "stay at home" order unconstitutional for exceeding the 28-day limit for an executive order without legislative approval.  And there continue to be rulings on federal constitutional grounds, such as a TRO issued Saturday against North Carolina Governor Roy Cooper's order that prevented in-person, indoor worship services of more than 10 people.

While serious measures need to be taken to protect public health in the face of the COVID-19 pandemic, the Constitution is not suspended and governments need to respect citizens' state and federal constitutional rights.  As RNLA Co-Chair Harmeet Dhillon, who has been leading the fight in court and in the public conversation to protect citizens' rights against government overreach, retweeted from her non-profit organization recently: